Remarks by President Biden on Supporting Ukraine, Defending Democratic Values, and Taking Action to Address Global Challenges | Vilnius, Lithuania
Vilnius University
Vilnius, Lithuania
7:51 P.M. EEST
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Lithuania! (Applause.) As my mother would say, “G/d love ya.” No seats. Holy mackerel. (Laughter.)
It’s
good to be back in Vilnius, a nation and a region that knows better
than anyone the transformational power of freedom. (Applause.) You
know, you showed the world that the strength of a people united cannot
be denied.
And together, with your brothers and sisters in
Estonia and Latvia, you helped end the era of division through the power
of connection. The Baltic Way, not the Berlin Wall, became the symbol
for Europe’s future.
And later, when Soviet tanks sought once
more to deny your independence, the people of Vilnius said, “No.” No,
no, no. And in January of 1991, tens of thousands of citizens, unarmed
and unyielding, came for their own — of their own accord, standing as
one to protect the TV Tower, to shield the Supreme Council, and to
defend freedom.
Fourteen heroes tragically lost their lives.
Hundreds were wounded. But the whole world saw that decades of
oppression had done nothing to dim the flame of liberty in this
country. (Applause.) I mean it. It’s consequential.
The light
of Lithuania: You kept it strong. You kept it bright. And you kept the
light shining here in Vilnius and in Washington, D.C., where the
yellow, green, and red of your flag flew every day.
This past
year, we have celebrated 100 years of unbroken diplomatic relationship
between the United States and the Baltic states.
America — America never recognized the Soviet occupation of the Baltics. Never, never, never, Mr. President. (Applause.)
And besides, you’ve got a great president. (Applause.) Stand up. No, stand up.
As your president can yell you, the bonds between Lithuanian and the American people have never faltered.
And
just — just seven months after the bloody January crackdown, the first
foreign vivistor [sic] — first foreign visitor to have their passports
stamped here in Lithuania with visas of this — to this new, reborn state
were a planeload of Lithuanian Americans from Chicago, Illinois.
(Applause.) Oh. (Laughs.) And their families are still proud of that.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: From Los Angeles.
THE PRESIDENT: Los Angeles came after that. (Laughter.) A lot came after.
Look, many aboard that plane had fled Lithuania during the early
years of Soviet oppression and marveled — marveled at their return to
this independent state. One of them told reporters, quote, “This day is
like a resurrection for us.” “This day, Father, is like a resurrection
for us.” That’s what the quote was, for real. That’s the feeling.
And
it was — a resurrection that quickly became a revelation. And a nation
which stands today as a stronghold of liberty and opportunity, a proud
member of the European Union and of NATO. (Applause.)
I had the
great honor as a United States senator of championing Lithuania and
other Baltic states to join NATO in 2004. Wasn’t I brilliant doing
that? (Laughter.)
But all kidding aside, think about what it — how it’s changed things. Think about what’s happened.
Now,
over the last few days, as President of the United States, I had the
honor of participating in a historic NATO Summit hosted by Lithuania,
where we welcomed NATO’s newest Ally, Finland, and reached agreement to
bring Sweden into the Alliance as soon as possible. (Applause.) And
President Erdoğan kept his word.
We have witnessed your historic
journey. And I’m proud to call Lithuania a friend, partner, and Ally.
Ally. Ally. (Applause.)
Soon, NATO will be the 32nd freestanding —
have free- — 33 — 32 freestanding members — (laughter) — standing
together to defend our people and our territory, beyond — beyond all the
rest, bound by democratic values to make us strong and by our sacred
oath that an attack against — it is a sacred oath — attack against one
is an attack against all. Because each member of NATO knows that the
strength of our people and the power of our unity cannot be denied.
(Applause.)
If I sound optimistic, it’s because I am.
Today,
our Alliance remains a bulwark of global security and stability as it’s
been for more than seven decades. NATO is stronger, more energized,
and, yes, more united than ever in its history. Indeed, more vital to
our shared future.
It didn’t happen by accident. It wasn’t inevitable.
When
Putin, and his craven lust for land and power, unleashed his brutal war
on Ukraine, he was betting NATO would break apart. He was betting NATO
would break. He thought our unity would shatter at the first testing.
He thought democratic leaders would be weak. But he thought wrong.
(Applause.)
Faced with a threat — (applause) — faced with a
threat to the peace and stability of the world, to democratic values we
hold dear, to freedom itself, we did what we always do: The United
States stepped up. NATO stepped up. Our partners in Europe, in the In-
— and then the Indo-Pacific stepped up. All across the world they
stepped up.
And we’re ready — we were ready because we stood together.
In
the months leading up to the war, as Putin amassed his forces on the
Ukrainian border and laid the groundwork for his brutal invasion, it wa-
— I was in constant contact with my fellow leaders of the G7 and the
European Union and NATO, constantly.
We warned the world what
Putin was planning. Even some in Ukraine didn’t believe we were — what
we had — our intelligence community found. We made sure NATO was
prepared to deter any aggression against any member state. We pursued
intense diplomacy with Russia, seeking to avert this terrible war. And
when Russian bombs began to fall, we did not hesitate to act.
We
rallied the world to support the brave people of Ukraine as they defend
their liberty and their sovereignty with incredible dignity.
(Applause.) I mean that from the bottom of my heart. Think about it.
Think about what they’re doing.
After nearly a year and a half
of Russia’s forces committing terrible atrocities, including crimes
against humanity, the people of Ukraine remain unbroken. Unbroken.
(Applause.) Ukraine remains independent. It remains free. And the
United States has built a coalition of more than 50 nations to make sure
Ukraine defends itself both now and is able to do it in the future as
well.
Since this war began, I’ve stood with President Zelenskyy —
as I just spent about an hour with him — both in Washington, in Kyiv,
in Hi- — in Hiroshima, and now in Vilnius, to declare to the world what I
say again: We will not waver. We will not waver. (Applause.) I mean
that. Our commitment to Ukraine will not weaken. We will stand for
liberty and freedom today, tomorrow, and for as long as it takes.
(Applause.)
We all want this war to end on just terms — terms
that uphold the basic principles of the United Nations Charter that we
all signed up to: sovereignty, territorial integrity. These are two
pillars of peaceful relations among nations. One country cannot be
allowed to seize its neighbor’s territory by force.
Russia could
end this war tomorrow by withdrawing its forces from Ukraine, recognize
these international borders, and ceasing its attacks on its — inhumane
attacks on Russia — I mean, by Russia on Ukraine, against its children —
women and children; its military.
Unfortunately, Russia has
shown thus far no interest in a diplomatic outcome. Putin still wrongly
believes that he can outlast Ukraine. He can’t believe it’s their
land, their country, and their future.
And even after all this
time, Putin still doubts our staying power. He’s still making a bad bet
that the conviction and the unity among the United States and our
Allies and partners will break down.
He still doesn’t understand that our commitment to our values, our freedom is something he
[we] can never, never, ever, ever walk away from. It’s who we are.
(Applause.) I mean it — it’s who we are. It’s who we are.
Throughout
this horrific war, the people of Lithuania, together with our Baltic
brethren, have been among the fiercest champ- — most fiercest champions
of Ukraine’s right to a future of its own choosing: one that is free.
Because
you lived so long with freedom denied, many of you who are older know
better than anyone how precious the right to determine your own future
is, precious to people everywhere — everywhere — not just in Ukraine,
but Belarus, Moldova, Georgia — in all the places around the world where
people continue to fight to make their voices heard.
So, my
message — my message to all of you tonight is: Keep it up. Keep it
going. Keep reminding the world of hope that Lithuania embodies. And
that’s what you embody: hope in this country. (Applause.) No, I really
mean it. I’m not joking. I mean this sincerely.
We must never
forget how much this matters and never, never give up on a better
tomorrow. The defense of freedom is not the work of a day or a year.
It’s the calling of our lifetime, of all time.
We are steeled for the struggle ahead. Our unity will not falter. I promise you. (Applause.)
Folks,
as I look around the world today, at a moment of war and peril, a
moment of competition and uncertainty, I also see a moment of
unprecedented opportunity — unprecedented opportunity — opportunity to
make real strides toward a world of greater peace and greater
prosperity, liberty and dignity, equal justice under the law, human
rights and fundamental freedoms which are the blessing and birthright of
all of humanity.
That — that is the world the United States is
working toward. And it’s one we’ll only reach if we do it together —
and I mean together.
We need to take the same spirit of unity,
common purpose, determination that we have demonstrated in our response
to Russian aggression in Ukraine and bring more partners along as we
continue working to build a world we want to live in and a world we want
for our children.
My friends, at the most fundamental level, we
face a choice — it’s not a hyperbole — we face a choice: a choice
between a world defined by coercion and exploitation, where might makes
right, or a world where we recognize that our own success is bound to
the success of others.
When others do better, we do better as
well — where we understand that the challenges we face today, from the
existential threat of climate change to building a global economy where
no one gets left behind, are too great for any one nation to solve on
their own, and that to achieve our goals and meet the challenges of this
age, we have to work together.
And I mean this sincerely: The world is changing. We have a chance to change the dynamic.
That’s
why I’ve been so focused as president on rebuilding and revitalizing
the alliances that are the cornerstone of American leadership in the
world.
These past years, we have brought the Transatlantic
Partnership to new heights, reaffirming the importance of the
relationship between Europe and the United States as an anchor to global
stability. The idea that the United States could prosper without a
secure Europe is not reasonable.
We’ve also elevated — (audience members clap) — that’s — it really isn’t. Not a joke. (Applause.)
I
sometimes — well — we also elevated and deepened America’s alliance in
the Indo-Pacific with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the
Philippines, which provide critical security and deterrence in that
vital region of the world.
Through our Quad partnership — it’s a
fancy way of saying our partnership with Australia, India, Japan, and
the United States — we’re bringing major democracies of the region
together to cooperate, keeping the Indo-Pacific free and open,
prosperous, and secure.
We’ve demonstrated during this NATO
Summit, with In- — with Indo-Pacific partners joining us for the second
year in a row, we’re working to deepen connections between the Atlantic
and Pacific democracies so they can better work together toward the
shared values we all seek: strong alliances, versatile partnerships,
common purpose, collective action to meet our shared challenges.
The world has shrunk. That’s how we build a future to see. But we share and know we share challenges and work together.
We
have to step up together, building the broadest and deepest coalition
to strengthen and defend the basic rules of the road, to preserve all
the extraordinary benefits that stem from the international system
grounded in the rule of law.
We have to come together to protect
the rights and freedoms that underwrite the flow of ideas and commerce
and which have enabled decades of global growth. Yes, territorial
integrity and sovereignty, but also principles like freedom of
navigation and overflight, keeping our shared seas and skies open so
that every nation has equal access to our global common space.
And
as we continue to explore this age of new possibilities, an age enabled
by rapid advances in innovation, we have to stand together to ensure
that the common spaces of our future reflect our highest ras- —
aspirations for ourselves and for others — as my dad would say, that
everybody has — is treated with some dignity — so that artificial
intelligence, engineering, biology, and other engineering techno- —
emerging technologies are not made into weapons of oppression but rather
are used as tools of opportunity.
We’re working with our allies
and partners to build a supply chains that are more resilient, more
secure, so we never again face a situation like we had during the
pandemic where we couldn’t get critical goods we needed for our daily
lives.
You know, we all must summon the common will to — to
actually address the existential threat of accelerating climate change.
It’s real. It’s serious. We don’t have a lot of time. It is the — the single greatest threat to humanity.
And
it’s only by working together that we’ll prevent the worst consequences
of climate change from ravaging our future and that of our children and
grandchildren.
We also have to recognize our shared responsibility to help unlock the enormous potential that exists in low- and middle-income companies
[countries] around the world — not out of charity, because it’s in our
own self-interest. We all benefit when more partners stand together,
working toward shared goals. We all benefit when people are healthier
and more prosperous. And that’s not, again, hyperbole. It’s true. We
all benefit when more entrepreneurs and innovators are able to pursue
their dreams for a better tomorrow.
You know, so we need to
update our toolset to better address the needs of today in this
interconnected world. A world where climate disasters, pandemics,
conflicts spill over borders and make it harder to address the
challenges of poverty and instability that hold so many people back.
That’s
why the United States is leading an effort to transform the
multilateral development banks, like the World Bank, to help them better
address the global challenges while enhancing their core mission of
reducing poverty and boost shared prosperity.
We’re all working
together with our partners in the G7 to address the enormous needs for
high-standard infrastructure around the world, especially in low- and
middle-income countries in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia.
It’s a statement about the world we want to build together.
Ladies
and gentlemen, we stand at an inflection point, an inflection point in
history, where the choices we make now are going to shape the direction
of our world for decades to come. The world has changed.
Will we turn back naked, unchecked aggression today to deter other world — would-be aggressors tomorrow?
Will we staunch the climate crisis before it’s too late?
Will we harness the new technologies to advance freedom or will we diminish it?
Will we advance opportunity in more places or allow instability and inequality to persist?
How
we answer these essential questions is literally going to determine the
kind of future our children and grandchildren have. And, again, that’s
not an exaggeration; that’s a fact. It’s going to take all of us. All
of us.
I believe that with ambition, with confidence in
ourselves and one another, with nations working together for common
cause, we can answer these questions. We can ensure the vision we share
and the freedoms we cherish are not just empty words in a troubled
time, but a roadmap — and I mean this literally — a roadmap, a plan of
urgent action toward a future we can reach, and we’ll reach if we work
together.
Folks, the road that lies before us is hard. It will
challenge us, summon the best of ourselves to hold faith in one another
and never give up, never lose hope. Never.
Every day, we have
to make the choice. Every day, we must summon the strength to stand for
what is right, to stand for what is true, to stand for freedom, to
stand together.
And that, my friends, is the lesson we learn from
history and the history of Lithuania’s story. You know, it’s the
lesson we see demonstrated each day, and it will determine — it will
determine what Ukraine looks like. And it is now — it’s how we’re going
to work — how we rewrite the future of peace and hope, justice and
light, liberty, possibilities for everyone — everyone everywhere.
Folks,
some have heard me say to my country many times: Never ever in my
entire career I’ve been more optimistic about the prospects of the
future. Never. Never.
So let me just say thank you for taking the time to be here to listen.
Gd
bless you all, and may Gd protect the freedoms of the — the protectors
of freedom in Ukraine, here, in every nation in the world, everywhere.
Gd protect our troops.
Thank you, thank you, thank you. (Applause.)
8:12 P.M. EEST
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